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<p><strong>Creator's Description</strong>: This article reports on an ongoing sociological study of the first Tibetan refugee settlement established in India, Lugs zung bsam grub gling located in Bylakuppe near Mysore. Data from camp registers and the old files of the settlement office have been digitalized and subjected to an exploratory analysis that focuses on two interconnected issues: resource competition between the Tibetan refugees and the local Indian community, and high population growth during the first decade of the settlement's existence. The demographic analysis demonstrates that women in the settlement experienced a high fertility rate from 1962 to 1976. Population growth was further intensified by in-migration resulting from the creation of more camps, and from the in-migration of unregistered Tibetans including deserters from the army. The article discusses how these and other factors created friction between the camp's administrators and Indian government officials, conflicts between camp residents and the surrounding Indian communities, and may have countered some of the positive effects on local development resulting from the creation of the settlements.</p>

PURPOSE: Worsening of schizophrenia symptoms is related to stress and anxiety. People with schizophrenia often experience difficulties in coping with stress and possess a limited repertoire of coping strategies. A randomised comparative trial was undertaken in patients with schizophrenia to evaluate changes in state anxiety, psychological stress and subjective well-being after single sessions of yoga and aerobic exercise compared with a control condition.METHOD: Forty participants performed a single 30-min yoga session, 20-min of aerobic exercise on a bicycle ergometre at self-selected intensity and a 20-min no exercise control condition in random order. RESULTS: After single sessions of yoga and aerobic exercise individuals with schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder showed significantly decreased state anxiety (p < 0.0001), decreased psychological stress (p < 0.0001) and increased subjective well-being (p < 0.0001) compared to a no exercise control condition. Effect sizes ranged from 0.82 for psychological stress after aerobic exercise to 1.01 for state anxiety after yoga. The magnitude of the changes did not differ significantly between yoga and aerobic exercise. CONCLUSION: People with schizophrenia and physiotherapists can choose either yoga or aerobic exercise in reducing acute stress and anxiety taking into account the personal preference of each individual.

PURPOSE: Worsening of schizophrenia symptoms is related to stress and anxiety. People with schizophrenia often experience difficulties in coping with stress and possess a limited repertoire of coping strategies. A randomised comparative trial was undertaken in patients with schizophrenia to evaluate changes in state anxiety, psychological stress and subjective well-being after single sessions of yoga and aerobic exercise compared with a control condition.METHOD: Forty participants performed a single 30-min yoga session, 20-min of aerobic exercise on a bicycle ergometre at self-selected intensity and a 20-min no exercise control condition in random order. RESULTS: After single sessions of yoga and aerobic exercise individuals with schizophrenia or schizoaffective disorder showed significantly decreased state anxiety (p < 0.0001), decreased psychological stress (p < 0.0001) and increased subjective well-being (p < 0.0001) compared to a no exercise control condition. Effect sizes ranged from 0.82 for psychological stress after aerobic exercise to 1.01 for state anxiety after yoga. The magnitude of the changes did not differ significantly between yoga and aerobic exercise. CONCLUSION: People with schizophrenia and physiotherapists can choose either yoga or aerobic exercise in reducing acute stress and anxiety taking into account the personal preference of each individual.

A guide to the internal martial arts exercises of short-form Wu-Style Tai Chi • Details the 8 core forms of Wu-Style Tai Chi with fully illustrated instructions • Ideal for older practitioners as well as those with health disabilities due to the “small frame” primary stance, slower and smaller movements, and conservation of energy • Explains how Wu Style provides a natural introduction to martial arts boxing • Reveals how Wu Style eases stiffness, relieves back pain, and reduces abdominal fat Following the flow of chi energy, rather than directing it as in traditional Tai Chi, Wu-Style Tai Chi focuses on internal development, seeking to conserve chi energy and gather jin power from the Earth through the tan tien. Centered on a “small frame” stance--that is, feet closer together and arms closer to the body--and a slower progression of movements in solo practice, Wu Style offers a gentle Tai Chi form for beginners and, when practiced with a partner, a grounding introduction to martial arts boxing and Fa Jin (the discharge of energy for self-defense). The more functional stance, smaller movements, and conservation of internal energy make Wu-Style Tai Chi ideal for older practitioners as well as those with health disabilities. Condensing the 37 movements of Wu Style into 8 core forms, Master Mantak Chia and Andrew Jan illustrate how to build a personal short-form Wu-Style Tai Chi practice. They explain how Wu-Style Tai Chi removes energetic blockages and helps to elongate the tendons, reducing stiffness and allowing the limbs to return to their natural length and full range of motion. Regular practice of Wu Style relieves back pain as well as reducing abdominal fat, the biggest hindrance to longevity. Exploring the martial arts applications of Wu Style, the authors trace its history beginning with founder Wu Chuan-Yu (1834-1902) as well as explain how to apply Wu Style to “Push Hands” (Tui Shou) and Fa Jin. Through mastering the short-form Wu Style detailed in this book, Tai Chi practitioners harness a broad range of health benefits as well as build a solid foundation for learning the complete long-form Wu Style.

Irrefutably, the best place to teach ethnobotany is in the field, whether the “field” is wilderness, an agricultural field, an indigenous village, or New York City. In the field, students, professors, experts, indigenous people, and participants of all sorts all learn and are all teachers. There is an equity and sense of discovery that no classroom can reproduce. Integrating multicultural and multidisciplinary perspectives—fundamental to ethnobotany—is simplified and organic. The significance of these goals is amplified when we teach ethnobotany in order to promote conservation and sustainable development, which are strongly supported by traditional ecological knowledge (TEK). A case study of teaching ethnobotany in the Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture of NW Yunnan, China illustrates the process and advantages of teaching ethnobotany in the field. The prominent goal of this training was to integrate conservation with Tibetan traditional ecological knowledge. This training project took place over 4 years and included several components not often incorporated into training courses: Our multidisciplinary and multicultural constituency was incorporated in (1) needs assessment and project design; (2) development of training; and (3) participation; including (4) the multifaceted training and research; (5) subsequent ethnobotany projects, both applied and academic; (6) presentation of results; and (7) evaluations.

The article focuses on the Tibetan buddhist medicine and psychiatry. Healing is innate to Buddhism. And the relationship between the two is extraordinary to the Western mind. The Buddha is the Supreme Physician. The healing treatment, the medicine, and the therapeutic regimen is the Dharma. The attendants are the members of the Order, the Buddhist community. The continual emphasis on the Supreme Physician the Buddha and his medicine His teachings indicates a fundamental attitude of Buddhism dispassionate compassion. The great physician is a model of selfless compassion and devotes his life to easing the pains of others. Retaining an attitude of detachment, he does not allow his emotions to be tangled with his work.

Collaborating Authors: Bee Gunn, Wayne Law, George Yatskievych, Wu Sugong, Fang Zhendong, Ma Jian, Wang Yuhua, Andrew Willson, Peng Shengjing, Zhang Chuanling, Sun Hongyan, Meng Zhengui, Liu Lin, Senam Dorji, Ana, Liqing Wangcuo, Sila Cili, Adu, Naji, Amu, Sila Cimu, Sila Lamu, Lurong Pingding, Zhima Yongzong, Loangbao, Bianma Cimu, Gerong Cili, Wang Kai, Sila Pingchu, Axima, and Benjamin Staver. Tibetan land use near Khawa Karpo, Northwest Yunnan, China, incorporates indigenous forest management, gathering, pastoralism, and agriculture. With field-based GIS, repeat photography, and Participatory Rural Appraisal we quantitatively compare land use between higher and lower villages, and between villages with and without roads. Households in higher elevation (&gt;3,000 meters) villages cultivate more farmland (z &equals; &minus;5.387, P &le; 0.001), a greater diversity of major crops (z &equals; &minus;5.760, P &lt; 0.001), a higher percentage of traditional crops, and fewer cash crops (z &equals; &minus;2.430, P &equals; 0.015) than those in lower elevation villages (&lt;2,500 meters). Villages with roads grow significantly more cash crops (z &equals; &minus;6.794, P &le; 0.001). Both lower villages and villages with roads travel farther to access common property resources. Historical analyses indicate agricultural intensification in valleys, an increase in houses, new crop introduction, hillside aforestation, cessation of hunting, glacial retreat, and timber-line advance within the past century. We suggest that Tibetan land use reveals trade-offs between high, remote villages and lower villages near roads. Higher villages offer abundant land and access to natural resources but short growing seasons and little market access; in contrast, lower villages have road and market access, an extended growing season, and modern technology, but limited access to land and many other natural resources.

[Tibetan medicine historically has had multiple medical lineages, despite ancient, shared literary medical canons. However, since the second half of the 20th century in Tibet, increasing state control and commoditization has lead to centralization and standardization of Tibetan medicine. Here we investigate how much variation in the use of medicinal plants remains in contemporary Tibetan medicine. Medicinal plants used and/or sold by fifteen Tibetan medical institutions, markets, and doctors, as well as two additional non-Tibetan markets, are inventoried and vouchered (where allowed). The data are ordered by Non-metric Multidimensional Scaling. Four distinct groups are defined: (1) government recognized Tibetan medical institutions and their disciples both in Lhasa and elsewhere, (2) local herbal doctors near Mt. Khawa Karpo, eastern Himalayas, (3) Tibetan medicinal markets in Lhasa and near Mt. Khawa Karpo, and (4) non-Tibetan medicinal markets near Dali and Kunming, Yunnan. This clearly documents the plurality of Tibetan medical traditions-official, local, and market-while differentiating these from non-Tibetan markets.]

Khawa Karpo, in the eastern Himalayas, is a mountain considered sacred throughout Tibet, and is internationally recognized as a global biodiversity hotspot. Numerous areas within this landscape are considered ‘sacred’ by the indigenous Tibetans of the region, who interact with these sites in ways potentially beneficial to conservation. Our previous remote sensing study indicated that sacred sites are found in habitats with greater species richness, diversity, and endemism than randomly selected non-sacred sites. This study examines the role of sanctity in biodiversity conservation within habitats in the Khawa Karpo region by pairing plots within the same habitats in sacred and non-sacred areas. Understory richness, diversity, cover, and number of useful species are measured; for trees, richness, diversity, cover, and density are measured. Results indicate that within habitats sanctity does not affect understory plant communities; however, within sacred areas trees are larger (p = 0.003) and forests have greater cover (p = 0.003) than non-sacred areas. Our results indicate that, whereas placement of sacred areas and preservation of vegetation cover affects useful plants, biodiversity and endemism, within habitats sacred sites preserve old growth trees and forest structure. In sum, Tibetan sacred sites are ecologically unique and important for conservation on varying scales of landscape, community, and species.

Meditation is approached as a technique for the activation of religious experience. Various theories used in psychology to explain the cognitive changes brought about by meditation are briefly reviewed. Of these, the role-theory of Sundén fits best the structure and function of various meditation methods in religious history. A small scale laboratory experiment is reported, designed for the purpose of testing the predictive validity of role-theory. The results make it possible to specify the theory's contribution and limitation.

We evaluate the boundary of the Anthropocene geological time interval as an epoch, since it is useful to have a consistent temporal definition for this increasingly used unit, whether the presently informal term is eventually formalized or not. Of the three main levels suggested – an ‘early Anthropocene’ level some thousands of years ago; the beginning of the Industrial Revolution at ∼1800 CE (Common Era); and the ‘Great Acceleration’ of the mid-twentieth century – current evidence suggests that the last of these has the most pronounced and globally synchronous signal. A boundary at this time need not have a Global Boundary Stratotype Section and Point (GSSP or ‘golden spike’) but can be defined by a Global Standard Stratigraphic Age (GSSA), i.e. a point in time of the human calendar. We propose an appropriate boundary level here to be the time of the world's first nuclear bomb explosion, on July 16th 1945 at Alamogordo, New Mexico; additional bombs were detonated at the average rate of one every 9.6 days until 1988 with attendant worldwide fallout easily identifiable in the chemostratigraphic record. Hence, Anthropocene deposits would be those that may include the globally distributed primary artificial radionuclide signal, while also being recognized using a wide range of other stratigraphic criteria. This suggestion for the Holocene–Anthropocene boundary may ultimately be superseded, as the Anthropocene is only in its early phases, but it should remain practical and effective for use by at least the current generation of scientists.

Recent research suggests that engagement in environmentally-friendly behavior can feel good. Current explanations for such a link do not focus on the nature of environmentally-friendly behavior itself, but rather propose well-being is more or less a side-benefit; behaviors that benefit environmental quality (e.g., spending one's money on people rather than products) also tend to make us feel good. We propose that the moral nature of environmentally-friendly behavior itself may elicit positive emotions as well, because engaging in this behavior can signal one is an environmentally-friendly and thus a good person. Our results show that engagement in environmentally-friendly behavior can indeed affect how people see themselves: participants saw themselves as being more environmentally-friendly when they engaged in more environmentally-friendly behavior (Study 1). Furthermore, environmentally-friendly behavior resulted in a more positive self-image, more strongly when it was voluntarily engaged in, compared to when it was driven by situational constraints (Study 2). In turn, the more environmentally-friendly (Study 1) and positive (Study 2) people saw themselves, the better they felt about acting environmentally-friendly. Together, these results suggest that the specific self-signal that ensues from engaging in environmentally-friendly behavior can explain why environmentally-friendly actions may elicit a good feeling.

Since 2009, the Working Group on the ‘Anthropocene’ (or, commonly, AWG for Anthropocene Working Group), has been critically analysing the case for formalization of this proposed but still informal geological time unit. The study to date has mainly involved establishing the overall nature of the Anthropocene as a potential chronostratigraphic/geochronologic unit, and exploring the stratigraphic proxies, including several that are novel in geology, that might be applied to its characterization and definition. A preliminary summary of evidence and interim recommendations was presented by the Working Group at the 35th International Geological Congress in Cape Town, South Africa, in August 2016, together with results of voting by members of the AWG indicating the current balance of opinion on major questions surrounding the Anthropocene. The majority opinion within the AWG holds the Anthropocene to be stratigraphically real, and recommends formalization at epoch/series rank based on a mid-20th century boundary. Work is proceeding towards a formal proposal based upon selection of an appropriate Global boundary Stratotype Section and Point (GSSP), as well as auxiliary stratotypes. Among the array of proxies that might be used as a primary marker, anthropogenic radionuclides associated with nuclear arms testing are the most promising; potential secondary markers include plastic, carbon isotope patterns and industrial fly ash. All these proxies have excellent global or near-global correlation potential in a wide variety of sedimentary bodies, both marine and non-marine.

Jan Willis examines the subtle--and not so subtle--racism that exists in American Buddhism.

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